44: Macedon, Balancing Interests

The eve of the Greek and Persian wars would see a point in Macedonian history where the transition of power from one king to another would take place. This would see Amyntas after his rule since the mid 6th century pass power to his son Alexander the first at the opening of the 5th. This would take place on the backdrop of Persian advances into Thrace before Macedon would then begin engaging diplomatically.

It becomes difficult to tell at what point Macedon would offer earth and water to the Persian empire, with colourful stories entering into the historical record. Though, by the time of the first invasion it seems Macedon had submitted in some form. The marriage of Alexanders sister to a Persian governor, also a relative of Xerxes would seem to indicate this.

Alexander and his Macedonians would appear in Herodotus’ narrative a number of times as Xerxes invasion unfolded. They would be shown to provide assistance as the Persians marched through their lands, while also providing advice to the Greeks as they prepared to defend their lands, before and during battles. 

Alexanders position during the invasions was a difficult one. He was a benefactor and friend of the Athenians, though he had also submitted to the Persians and expected to assist their campaign against the Greeks. This would see Alexander to play a delicate balancing game as the war unfolded, being careful to maintain his relationship with the Greeks, though also ensuring not to anger Xerxes and his obligations, or risk the ruin of his lands.

This episodes book recommendation: Herodotus, The Histories (Translated by Tom Holland)

Transcript

Episode 44

Macedon: Balancing Interests

Quote

“In the event of you brining this war to a successful conclusion, you must remember me, and do something for my freedom; for the sake of Greece I have taken a great risk, in my desire to acquaint you with what Mardonius intends, and thus to save you from a surprise attack. I am Alexander of Macedon.”[1]

Alexander I of Macedon addressing Athenian commanders. Taken from Herodotus’ Histories

Hello, I’m Mark Selleck and welcome back to Casting Through Ancient Greece, Episode 44, Macedon, Balancing Interests

Introduction:

Last episode we built somewhat of a foundation to the early beginnings of Macedon as an entity and then as a kingdom. As we saw, this relied on what appeared to be official accounts taken from the Macedonian court and retold through some of the earliest historians, such as Herodotus. Obviously this does create questions around the historicity of the genealogy and details around the Macedonian rulers. Though, it has been, for the most part, accepted as creditable enough from a general perspective with perhaps the details adding flavour to the account. Outside of these accounts we have no other details on the development of the Macedonian royal house. Though, elements from other areas such as myth, which appear to be separate from the official line, do give some common connections. This as we saw had the main implication that the Argead dynasty would come from a Greek ancestry being with founders from Argos. This would see the Greeks themselves view Macedon being a separate people being ruled by a Greek dynasty. Though, as we discussed, calling the Macedonians themselves Greeks or Barbarians is not a clear-cut title that can be assigned to them. The many variables of time, migrations, both north and south, trade and colonisation would all come into play making this a far from black and white issue. This I think leads us to a more interesting question, what did the Greeks see as separating the Macedonians from themselves, not if were they actually Greek or not.

Moving along we then looked at the geographical control the Macedonians would exert through their expansions over the first 6 generations of the dynasty. There appeared to be a connection to the region of Oresitia, around lake Kastoria through both myth and legend. But it would be the Pierian mountains where we start to see the kingdom of Macedonia take hold. The seat of power would be established at the city of Aegea situated in a strategic location to exert control around the surrounding regions. The original settlement had its roots stretching all the way to Neolithic times attesting to its importance throughout the ages. From here Macedonian control would extend down the Aegean coast along the Pierian mountains, coming into direct contact with Greek colonies. To the north east, influence would cross the Haliacmon river, while later expansion would see the Macedonians move out into the coastal plains around the Thermaic Gulf, where power had grown to a point where they were now able to challenge the Thracian tribes that had occupied the area. As the 6th century was coming to a close this would be the rough extent of the Macedonian kingdom, though as we have spoken about before these boundaries would have blurred somewhat on the fridges, especially where they were shared with other tribal groups to the west, north and east. We have no way of knowing for now, when different phases of expansion would take place and under which kings. But we probably need to see this as a gradual process not some quick campaign that would only take place in a few years, like we would see with Phillip II and his son Alexander the Great nearly 200 years later. Realistically there would most likely have been short sharp campaigns that would have seen early Macedon grow, with long periods of consolidation and even setbacks that may have seen territory lost over the period of the six ancestors of Alexander I. This detail though, is lacking in the accounts, we just get a rough idea of where expansion would take place and establish is extent by the close of the 6th century, making it difficult to understand the reality of the lives of the many generations that had lived in these early years of the Archaic period. It is now at this point and this extent of the Macedonian expansion we will be focusing on. We will follow events, mainly through the context of the Greek and Persian wars, since this is the backdrop that most of our information comes to us through.

King Amyntas:

As we have alluded to before, Alexander I’s father, king Amyntas I was the ruler of Macedonia by this stage of their history. It appears that Amyntas I came to the throne around the mid-6th century BC, with the date not known for certain. An estimate of the dates that the various kings ruled comes from genealogies outlined by the ancients. In Diodorus’ works, we find a breakdown of the period each king would rule from Caranus all the way to Alexander the Great, with this helping arrive at traditional dates for all the kings, though we are assuming he gets the periods of rule for all the kings correct. This has then seen a traditional date for Amyntas I’s rule beginning in 547BC.[2] It would appear that the extent of Macedonian territory we have seen so far came to this point under his rule. But like with most early Macedonian history we have very little details to go on. One small detail we do get during Amyntas’ reign, is Macedon appears to have been on friendly terms or even in some sort of alliance with Hippias, the Tyrant of Athens. For when he was expelled from Attica, he was offered Anthemus, a city just north of the Chalcidice. This also suggests that Macedonian control of lands had extended further east across the coastal plains by 505 BC.[3] We only begin to see more detail emerge with Herodotus’ account in the context of the Greek and Persian wars, though granted these would be in the same fashion of the colourful stories we have come to expect from Herodotus. Though, as we have talked about previously there is usually some truth to be found within many of these accounts. Alexander I would be king during the wars that would take place and would become Herodotus’ main focus in relation to Macedon. For this episode we too will be focused on Alexander I’s and Macedon’s interactions during this period. However, with the lead up to the wars in Greece we get some stories emerge from the Macedonian court toward the end of Amyntas’ rule. 

Persian Expedition 513 – 510:

The closing years of Amyntas reign would be at a time when the Persian Empire was beginning to prepare for further expansions. This would see campaigns develop that would focus on expanding into Scythian lands, north around the Black Sea, while also then preparing a path west towards Greece. As we saw with our episodes on the Thracians, this would initially see their lands become the focus of the Persian advance as they secured a path towards these areas. It would be the Persians focus west that would see them come into contact with Macedonia. After securing a path along the Thracian coast line of the Aegean, the advance west would then cross over into Macedonian territory before reaching Greece. Additionally, strategic points seen as vital to securing lines of supply and communication for the Persian campaigns would need to be controlled. One of these points was at the Strymon river, which would see Thracian controlled lands transition into Macedonian. As we have seen with the Persian Empire, they would not simply march an army into Macedonian territory, but would use diplomatic channels to secure their aims initially. This diplomatic approach would come in the form of seeking tokens of earth and water from the Macedonian court to show their submission to the Persian Empire.

We would see this request for submission to the Persian King, Darius take place around 510 BC. By this stage, the Persians had retreat back from their campaign against the Scythians in the north, who they were unable to defeat.[4] The Persian commander Megabazos remained in Thracian lands with an army and was tasked with subjecting various regions, with a particular focus on the coast line of the Aegean.[5] It would be during this process as Persian influence moved west and closer to Macedonian territory that an embassy would be sent to Amyntas in the Macedonian court. This would be our first introduction to Alexander I in a historical account and would prove to be a literary representation of the transition from the old rule of Amyntas to the new under his son Alexander I.

Herodotus has the Persian embassy arriving at the Macedonian court where they made their demands of earth and water. We are told that Amyntas did not refuse this demand but also extended hospitality to the envoys and hosted a banquet in their honour. The Macedonians are well renowned for the liberal consumption of wine at their dinners, and neat at that. Wine was usually mixed with water, and the Greeks considered those who did not mix theirs as barbarians. We hear that after dinner and while the wine was still flowing, Herodotus has one of the Persian envoys say;

“At important dinners like this, my Macedonian friend, it is our custom in Persia to get our wives and mistresses to come and sit with us in the dining room. You have welcomed us kindly, provided us with an excellent dinner, and offered earth and water to our king Darius, come then – won’t you follow our custom?”[6]

To this Amyntas is shown as being completely submissive to the Persians and acting as a good vassal king, even though this went against the Macedonians own customs. Initially he had the women seated opposite the Persian envoys, who complained that if this was the arrangement, then it would have been better they had not come in at all. Amyntas then bowed to the request that the women should sit with them, where then the envoys proceeded to fondle the women. We do hear that this angered Amyntas but he feared the Persians enough to hold his tongue and let the behaviour continue. This is where Alexander enters the story as a young man and angered at the disrespect shown by the Persians, he attempts to remove his father from the situation, frustrated at his inaction. Alexander says to his father;

“You are an old man, father, and should look after yourself. Don’t try to sit out the drinking, but go rest. I will stay at table, and give our guests all they need”.[7]  

Amyntas could sense the rage that Alexander experienced and feared he would commit some violence against the envoys. He urged his son against any action against the Persians or risk the ruin of their lands. With his warning he left Alexander to take charge of proceedings as he quite the room. Alexander kept up the appearance of the subservient host, though with other plans in mind. As the night was drawing to a close he announced that the women would leave to take a bath before they could then have the women back, to which the Persians found pleasing. Alexander now put into action his plan to take revenge on the disrespect shown by the envoys. He informed the women to return to their quarters, while he then had an equal number of clean-shaven youths take their place, dressing in the same clothes and concealing a dagger. As the disguised youths entered to room Alexander gave a final address to the Persians, ending with;

“…you may know without any doubt that we honour you as you deserve, and you may tell your king, who sent you, that a Greek, the lord of Macedonia, entertained you royally both with bed and board”. 

The youths then took up their positions next to the envoys, the Persians intoxicated by this stage, mistook them for the same women and when they attempted to fondle them, the youths took out their daggers and stabbed them all. We then hear that measures were taken to ensure that no trace of the Persians visit had taken place, with all their servants, carriages and baggage disappearing. When the Persian envoys on the Macedonian mission failed to return a search party was arranged to try and locate the missing men. Herodotus then tells us that Alexander was able to throw the commander of the search part off the scent by supplying him with a large sum of money and also offering his sister in marriage. This we are told, kept the Persian from learning the truth of what had happened to their men at the Macedonian court.[8]      

Macedon relationship with Persia:      

This mention of an embassy to Macedonia in 510 has led to suggestions of the Macedonians as having medized. Though it isn’t entirely clear of Macedon’s relationship with Persia by this stage, as we would hear of a more formalised offer of submission later on. It’s thought that most stories in Herodotus’ account about the Persian court come from the Macedonians themselves, with it probable Alexander would have influenced the details found in the envoy story. We can see from the story that even if earth and water was offered to the Persian embassy it would have never made its way back to Darius. The story presents an old and passive Amyntas as offering submission, with then the young and fiery Alexander coming to rescue Macedonia from being a Persian vassal kingdom. Though, the account of Alexander offering money and his sister to another Persian commander still leaves some questions around the relationship status. At the end of the day there are a few possibilities that come out of the episode. First, the story Herodotus relates is more or less based in reality, which would see the Persians looking for Macedonian submission but unlikely receiving it officially in 510. Secondly, some doubt that the embassy in 510 did not in fact take place, which would have seen Macedonia still independent at this stage. Lastly, the embassy did take place, but the slaughter of the envoys was an invention of Alexander to show to the Greeks, where Macedonia’s true allegiances lay. This will be a common theme we will encounter with Alexanders interactions throughout the Greco-Persian War, he would present himself as truly on the side of the Greeks while still having to contend politically with the Persians. Alternately, there is another account found in Justin’s work that presents this episode in a similar manner to Herodotus except for the encounter with the search party, we just need to remember Justin was writing in the 2nd century AD, some 5 to 6 hundred years after Herodotus. The commander of the search party came with hostile intensions but supposedly then, he fell in love with the king’s daughter, Alexanders sister and married her. He then remained in Macedonian lands in a close friendship with Amyntas.[9] Though when it comes down to it, we cannot be completely sure of the relationship Macedon had with the Persian Empire in this early stage of the lead up to the Greek and Persian Wars.       

Second Persian Embassy, Alexander I: 

Whatever status the Macedonian court held in relation to the Persians, it is fairly clear they were still very much independent and able to run their kingdom as they wished, with perhaps some Persian oversight. As we saw with the Thracians, the Persians campaigns in these lands would seem to only have gained a weak hold in the regions they had marched through. With the departure of the Persian troops, their influence also disappeared. Macedonia being on the extreme west of Persian incursions, it would seem likely if any sort of control had been established it would have evaporated very quickly. Though, as we will see the Persians would be back seeking official tokens of submission as the preparations would be made for the first invasion of Greece. In the mean-time, this period would see the transition of power from Amyntas I to his son Alexander I. The exact date of Alexanders ascent to the throne is not known for sure, but the last time we here of Amyntas in the historical record, is during the episode of Hippias downfall in Athens, in 505 BC.[10] While we then hear of the Persian Bubares who had remained in Macedonian lands after marrying Amyntas’ daughter, having to return to Persia for an important matter. Supposedly shortly after his departure, King Amyntas died and Alexander would succeed him on the throne.[11] Since Amyntas was still alive in 505 BC, it is assumed the event that would see Bubares recalled was the breakout of the Ionian revolt in 499BC. This has then seen a traditional date for Alexanders coming to the throne in 498.

This period after 499BC would see Macedonia free from any sort of Persian influence for the time being. The Ionian revolt had seen much of Persian control west shrink, as they dealt with the revolt of the Ionians in Anatolia. However, by 493, Persian control of Ionia had been fully re-established and attention would once again shift westward. In 492, Mardonius would lead a campaign back through Thracian lands and all the way back to Macedonian territory. This was the campaign that saw the fleet accompanying the army being wrecked in a storm off of Mount Athos. Meanwhile Mardonius would be wounded when the army was camped in Macedonian territory and attack by a Thracian tribe.[12] This would be when Herodotus tells us that Macedonia would be added to the list of Darius’ subjects and seems to line up with the inscription, commissions by Darius, that would appear at Naqsh-e Rostam, the necropolis of the Achaemenid dynasty.[13] Although we hear that Mardonius retreated back into the Persian empire, it would seem Persian troops remained through much of the subjected Thracian lands and some form of connection remained with Alexander in Macedonia. We don’t hear of any satrap in place in Macedonian lands, or overseer, with it thought some trusted arrangement had been made with Alexander. It would seem Macedonia’s relationship with Persia was regulated through the furthest garrisoned Persian city west at Eion, situated at the mouth of the Strymon, flowing into the Thermaic Gulf.  

The Greek and Persian Wars:

Focus in the ancient sources would shift away from Macedonian territory after Mardonius’ campaign in the north. There would be some form of submission to Persian dominance that would remain in the Macedonian court in the following years, but it is difficult to know the arrangements. Though as we move forward we will see, there doesn’t appear to be another need to send anymore embassies to secure Macedonian cooperation.

Darius would now have his generals launch a campaign across the Aegean in 490 BC, focused on subduing the Greek Islands and city states that participated in the Ionian Revolt. Their final objectives being the cities of Eretria and Athens.[14] Eretria would be laid waste to as the Persians took revenge for their involvement, many of the survivors would be relocated back into the Persian Empire where their descendants would still be living generations later.[15] Finally, the Persian force would land at the bay of Marathon on the Attic coast in their attempt at conquering Athens. Though, after some delay an unlikely result would ensure, the larger Persian force would be defeated by the smaller Athenian army and their Platean allies.[16] This defeat would see the end of this campaign, that would be seen as the first Persian invasion. Though, Athens and the rest of Greek lands would not be forgotten about.

Darius would not get the opportunity to launch another campaign west and would die of an illness in 486. His son Xerxes would succeed him on the throne and would inherent the desire for revenge, or so we are told. Though, before a renewed effort west could be made other more important matters needed to be taken care of with a revolt in Babylon and Egypt.[17] With these regions back under control arrangements now began for the second invasion of Greece. This time around the forces assembled and directed west would be some ten times the size than the Marathon campaign. Also, the path of advance would now see Macedonian become directly involved in Xerxes invasion. The lands of the Thracians and Macedonians would support the march and supply of the largest invasion force yet seen in the Mediterranean. 

This is where it becomes apparent that Alexander had continued with some sort of arrangement with the Persians. In the years leading up to the invasion being launched, much preparation would be taking place along the rout of advance. For this to take place, Persian influence would have needed to already existed throughout the lands in the absence of large forces within their lands. For three years the Persians undertook engineering projects to pave the way for the army and navy. At the Hellespont, bridges were constructed to connect the Persian Empire to the Thracian Chersonese. At the Streymon River where Thracian and Macedonian territory met, more bridges were erected. Also, to prevent the same disaster of 492 at Mount Athos, a cannel would be cut through the first peninsular to see that the fleet would not have to round the treacherous peaks.[18] In addition to these works, supply dumps were created along the path of advance, seeing great amounts of supplies for the army stockpiled in what would have been hostile territory if the previous Persian campaigns and diplomatic missions had not taken place.   

Alexander at Tempe: 

Finally, after the preparations were complete, Xerxes unleashed his forces the greatest yet seen in the Mediterranean world. The army crossed the Hellespont over the bridges of boats and began following the coastline through Thracian territory. The vast armada assembled would shadow the land forces, putting in at shore each night placing immense burdens on the populations forced to host them. Eventually the forces reached Macedonian territory where Alexander would have made sure that the various cities and settlements that the Persians would pass through and establish camps, had made the appropriate arrangements for the hosting of thousands of men. The picture we are given, is that the sheer size of the forces would have placed extreme pressures on the resources the Macedonians could call upon. The collection of their harvests and any reserves that had been stored would all most likely have gone into supporting Xerxes forces while in Macedonian territory. One could imagine that the local populations would have suffered from food shortages, not only in the short term but even once the Persian army had left their lands the following year. The size of Xerxes forces and their drain on resources, is best illustrated when Herodotus says;

“Was there a nation in Asia that he did not take with him against Greece? Save for the great rivers, was there a stream his army drank from that was not drunk dry”.[19]  

We even hear that a specific river in Macedonian territory, the Echeidorus failed to supply enough water to the troops using it as a supply source.

With the Persian forces in Macedon, they were now at the boarder of where Macedonian territory turned into Greek lands at the most northern region of Thessaly. Marking this boarder was the mountain ranges that Mount Olympus was a part of. It is at this point where we see Alexander enter back into matters with the Greeks In the face of the Persian invasion. Earlier when Xerxes force began their march the Greeks had been preparing a response to the invasion. Part of the preparations was to send a force up into Thessaly to help defend the most northern border and prevent Thessaly from being forced into Medizing.[20]

The Greek force that had been sent north took up a position at the Tempe pass, which saw passage from Macedonian lands into Thessaly. It is here that we hear of Alexander sending a messenger to warn the Greeks of Xerxes advance. Herodotus reports;

“… the army had not been in Tempe many days when a message arrived from Alexander, the son of Amyntas, in Macedonia advising the Greek troops to withdraw, and not to stay in the pass to be trampled underfoot, adding an indication of the strength of the Persian army and fleet. The advice seemed to be sound, and was clearly offered by the Macedonians in a friendly spirit, so the Greek took it.”[21]

Its seems the advice sent by Alexander may have had some bearing on the Greeks decision on retreat from their position back to Corinth to reassess their options. Though, we also hear they had independently learnt of other passes that Xerxes could take that would see their position outflanked.

Once again, we see Alexander presented as acting in the Greeks interests even though he was in the service of Xerxes. Though, perhaps this account isn’t as straight forward as it seems. Alexander would have been well aware of the stress his kingdom would be under with the Persian army camped in his lands. Worse than that, the last thing Alexander would want to have developed was the war erupting on his boarder. Even if this didn’t eventuate, a Greek defence at Tempe would have seen the Persian advance slow, with more forces pouring into Macedonian lands. With the delay of the march and build-up of forces in their lands, even more pressure would have been placed on Alexander and his resources already stretched to breaking point. Although he could present a case that he was looking out for the Greeks best interests, and may well have been. It was also in his best interest to see the Greek defence move away from his boarders. We just need to keep in mind Alexander was playing a delicate balancing act. He was a benefactor of the Greeks, having good relations with the Athenians, which he would have wanted to keep intact. Nevertheless, he was also in a position where he did not want to give the Persians any excuse to inflict punitive measures on his lands.  

Thermopylae and Artemesium:

The Greeks, or what has been described as the Hellenic league, had regrouped back at Corinth where we hear that a new defensive plan was arranged. This had a similar objective as the effort at Tempe, by attempting to defend a narrow pass where the fewer numbers of the Greeks would not be at such a disadvantage. Though, this time around there was also a naval component to the strategy. The plan would see some 7000 odd Greeks headed by 300 Spartans to the pass at Thermoplyae, south of Thessaly, who had now medized. As well as this force, a fleet of just over 270 triremes was stationed at Artemisium, 40 miles away to protect the flank of the land forces and preventing the Persian fleet landing deep into Greek lands.

By September of 480 the Persians had both marched onto Thermopylae and sailed to Artemisium, where three days of fighting would take place at both locations over the same days, well this is what tradition records. At Thermopylae, the Greeks were finally defeated on the third, with the Spartan King Leonidas and a small group of Spartans, Thespians and Thebans being wiped out in a last stand. Over at Artemisium, the Greeks were tactically getting the better of the Persians, but the level of attrition would see their position become untenable. They would end up withdrawing after the third day, with the news of the fall of Thermopylae reinforcing this. The path into central Greece was now open to Xerxes and his forces, with no organised resistance between them and Athens. Many of the cities and villages of Boeotia had already gone over to the Persians, but some still failed to submit. Delegations were sent out ahead of the army to secure earth and water from those that had not yet submitted. For those that still held out, ruin would follow with the size of the forces bearing down on them. This is now where we see Alexander and his Macedonians enter back into the story. 

Macedonians guaranteeing medizing cities. 

Part of Alexander’s obligations in having submitted to Xerxes was not only to provide unhindered access through his lands and resources. But also, to supply a levy of troops to participate on the side of the Persians in the campaign into Greek lands. It’s now we hear of Macedonian troops being tasked to move out ahead of the main army and take up positions in many of the Boeotian towns that had recently medized. The reason behind this was to guarantee the safety of the town against the Persian advance.[22] With their status of a submitted town only being recent, it would be unlikely that news would have travelled to the commanders marching into their lands. Further to this, I feel it is very unlikely that the regular Persian soldier would have cared much about their status one way or the other, booty was booty.

What’s interesting here, is that Herodotus presents this action being arranged by Alexander on what seems to be his own initiative, though one would feel this would be a smart move by Xerxes to have this sort of policy across all of Greece. We have yet to hear of Macedonians being engaged in fighting against the Greeks and with Macedonian troops now mentioned, it is in the role of protecting Greek towns from Persian reprisals and looting. This continues the theme of Alexanders balancing act in fulfilling his duties to Xerxes but still with the Greeks interests in mind. As we will see this sort of behaviour would continue, or at least make it into the histories presented in this way. 

Fall of Athens and Salamis:

As Xerxes forces advanced through Boeotia, they took control of more Greek cities and villages, though with the site of Delphi no succumbing, we are assured through divine intervention.[23] Attica was the next region on the advance, much of the lands had been deserted, with many withdrawing to the island of Salamis. Athens too was a relative ghost town, with only a small band of defenders remaining who believed the Acropolis could be defended. After Xerxes and his forces had amassed around the Acropolis a short siege took place but Athens soon fell with the buildings and temples raised to the ground.[24] Meanwhile over on the island of Salamis the Greek fleet, which withdrew from Artemisium, put in at the island while the Athenian contingent had been busy evacuating everyone from the mainland. Disputes would erupt between the members of the Hellenic league on the best course of action, with the Peloponnesians wanting to defend at the Isthmus of Corinth, while the rest wanted to offer a naval battle at Salamis. When it looked as though the fleet would break up and sail away, Themistocles was able to force the Greeks into a fight where they stood through a cunning act of subversion.[25] The battle of Salamis would turn out to be a disaster for the Persians, with Xerxes fleet made virtually combat ineffective. The fleet would be sent back to rest, refit and guard the Anatolian coast as winter was coming on. Xerxes had also taken the decision to withdraw back into the empire, though leaving behind the commander Mardonious with a picked force to remain in Greek lands.[26] Mardoinus and his force would fall back from Attica to Thessaly for the winter where the troops and horses would be better supplied. This would see the Athenians return back to Athens and begin rebuilding throughout the winter.

As winter was drawing to a close, the campaigning season would once again begin. Mardonius was looking to finish what couldn’t be the previous year and now took measures to try and use diplomacy to break apart the Hellenic league. Being well aware of the continued growing disagreements over policy between Athens and Sparta, he now tried to bring Athens, the strongest naval element over to his side. Its at this stage that we once again see Alexander of Macedon enter into the narrative, being the perfect conduit between the Greeks and Persians.   

Prelude to Plataea: 

As we have seen Alexander had his connections with the Persians, being subjected to Xerxes but also tied through the marriage of his sister to the Persian commander overseeing the regions around Macedon. His connections to Greece we have seen are tied up with his ancestry originating in Argos, but a stronger connection seems to be made in his own lifetime with Herodotus telling us he was a benefactor of Athens. Carol King in her book, Ancient Macedonia, puts forward the idea that his title may have come from Macedon’s supply of wood to Athens in the decade after Marathon, as Macedon was known to be a major supplier of timber to many Greek cities.[27] The Athenians after their windfall and timely policy of constructing one of the largest fleets in Greece probably would have seen Macedon divert all of their available supply to fulfill Athens needs above others. Though, again doubtful this was out of any great friendship but rather the notion that money talks.

So, Mardonius had sent Alexander off to address the Athenians with a proposal from Xerxes to abandon the war against him. Alexander recited the official offer put forward for the Athenians to consider. This would basically see Athens forgiven for all of their actions against Persia and be rewarded with more territory.[28] After delivering the official terms, Alexander then expressed his own opinions to the Athenians. Herodotus records him saying;

“That, Athenians is what Mardonios instructed me to tell you. As for myself, I shall say nothing of my own goodwill toward you, but I do entreat you to follow the advice of Mardonios. For I can see that you will not be able to wage war against Xerxes forever – if I had observered that you were capable of doing so, I would never have come to you with this advice. The fact is, the King’s power is superhuman, and his reach extends far and wide. And so if you do not immediately come to an agreement with the Persians while they are offering you such generous conditions, then I fear for you indeed, because you alone of all the allies dewell along the most beaten track of this war and consistently suffer devastation, and the land you possess is often chosen as the disputed ground on which battles are waged. So, then, do heed my advice, since you have such a precious opportunity, insofar as the great King wishes to become your friend and forgive you alone of all the Hellenes for the wrongs done to him.”[29]

The Spartans had also been present in Athens, having been well aware that Mardonios had sent Alexander to entice the Athenians into an understanding. They then proceeded to convince the Athenians not to accept the terms offered. For Athens part, they had no intention of doing so and berated the Spartans for having such little faith in their cause for Greek freedom.[30] They had also addressed Alexander with a formal reply to take back to Mardinios of their unwillingness to come to an agreement. Though, to add to this they than issued somewhat of a warning to Alexander himself;

“As for you Alexander, in the future, do not appear before the Athenians with speeches such as this one, nor pretend to be doing us a favour while encouraging us to commit deeds that violate all tradition. For we would not want you, our benefactor and friend, to suffer anything unpleasant at the hands of the Athenians.”[31]

From this exchange it appears Alexander may have overstepped the line in his attempt at balancing both of the relationships he held with Athens and Persia. Though, it was very unlikely he could have refused to take the message to the Athenians, being subject to Persian with their troops and influence within his lands. If anything, it would have been his personal thoughts at the end of the official message that the Athenians would have taken offence with. Again, this is what Herodotus reports him saying, but I feel it probably captures the essence of what was said, for surely these discussions would have been taken down or at least remembered by all those present to be recorded at a later date. 

The Battle of Plataea:

Alexander would take the Athenians response back to Mardonios up in Thessaly which would spark the second invasion into Attica and the retaking of Athens. For the second time in 12 months the Acropolis was occupied by Persian troops with the Athenians finding refuge on Salamis once again. As we saw back when we looked at the battle of Plataea, discussions and arguments were unfolding between the Athenians and Spartans as the onset of the campaigning season approached with them coming to a head as Athens was occupied for a second time. Eventually the Spartans, along with many other Peloponnesian city states began marching out of the Peloponnese to meet the Persians in a land battle as Athens had been arguing for. The members of the Hellenic league began assembling, seeing the Greek force grow into the largest force yet seen during the wars. After both sides manoeuvred through Attica and into Boeotia, they found themselves opposing one another just outside the small polis of Plataea. 

Ten days of inaction would follow with both the Greeks and Persians having had received omens that victory lay in a defensive battle. A number of raids and small skirmishes would take place over the days to try an entice the other side into action. Both sides were under extreme pressure with the inaction of consecutive days out in the hot sun taking its toll on the men and supplies. It would be at this stage the Alexander would once again be involved in matters as the battle of Plataea rested on a knifes edge with both Mardonios and Pausanias at their wits end.

This would be the first occasion that we hear that the Macedonians were arrayed in battle against the Hellenic league. It seems probable that Alexander was commanding a contingent of cavalry, with Herodotus telling us that they were posted on the Persian right wing with elements from Thessaly, known for having the best cavalry in Greece.[32] This saw Alexander now deployed opposite the Athenians, who we have seen was the benefactor of and held in good friendship. Perhaps what now occurred might be explained due to the reproaches Alexander received in Athens earlier in the year, now wanting to get back into the good graces of the Athenians.

As both armies settled in for the night after another day of inaction, a shadowy figure could be seen emerging from the darkness from the Persian lines. The rider approached the Athenian pickets requesting to see their commander Aristides, asking for him and others by name. Learning of the rider’s presence, Aristides and the other Athenian commanders went to the front where the pickets were posted, where the mysterious rider addressed them;

“Men of Athens, I trust to your honour for what I am about to tell you; keep it a secret from everybody except Pausanias or you will ruin me. I should not be here at all if I had not at heart the common welfare of Greece- I am myself a Greek by descent, and have no wish to see Greece exchange her freedom for slavery. Listen, then: Mardonios and his army cannot get satisfactory omens from their sacrifices – Mardonios has decided, however, to ignore the omens and to attack at dawn – in anxiety to prevent still further reinforcements from reaching you, as I guess. Be ready for him, therefore. If, on the contrary, he should postpone his attack, my advice to you is to hold on where you are: for he has only a few days’ supply left. 

In the event of you brining this war to a successful conclusion, you must remember me, and do something for my freedom; for the sake of Greece I have taken a great risk, in my desire to acquaint you with what Mardonius intends, and thus to save you from a surprise attack. I am Alexander of Macedon.”[33]

The news Alexander brought to the Athenians was at once taken to Pausanias where the decision was made to make redeployments along the line that appear to have come across in the ancient accounts in a strange manner, as we have discussed before in the episodes of Plataea. Whatever the case, they seemed to have made Mardonios hold off his attack for the next day, resorting to more cavalry harassing actions. Though, as day broke on the following day the battle of Plataea would finally break out. The Persians would be decisively defeated and Mardonios would be killed in front of the Spartan lines. This would ultimately see the end of Persians operations in Greek lands. The only intact Persian element, the Persian reserve commanded by Megabazos retreated through Thessaly, Macedonia and Thrace, back to Persian lands.   

Macedonian after the War:

With the retreat of the Persians from Greece, they would also evaporate out of the lands north of Greece. We already saw the Persian retreat suffered in Thracian lands as they fell back. We do not hear of the Macedonians subjecting the retreating Persians to the same degree of violence, but one can imagine some would have taken place. We need to remember Alexander still had a family tie to the Persians with the marriage of his sister to a Persian governor, who himself was related to Xerxes. This marriage would produce a son, who would be Alexander’s nephew. He would be named after his grandfather and previous king of Macedon, Amyntas, and would when he grew up, govern a city in the region of Carria in Anatolia. Therefore, perhaps the Persian retreat saw Alexander continue his balancing of interests. His connection to the Persians and willingness to cooperate, to their faces anyway, saw his kingdom treated far better than other regions the Persians had marched through. An indications of Macedon appearing to be in a more powerful position after the Persian retreat would be when Alexander was able to expand is territories further east around the coastal regions and Strymon river. This would see him come into possession of more natural resources in the form of silver mines and richly forested regions. However, as the years would pass other parties would also be interested in these areas, the Athenians being one. This will not be the end of Alexander I in out series, as he would reign into the mid 450’s, so we will be seeing him enter back into our narrative along the way.    

The accounts we see given by Herodotus of Alexanders conduct throughout the Greek and Persian wars, have been described as self-aggrandizement. As you might imagine, what appears in the account would have been how Alexander would have wanted his actions to be remembered. We know Herodotus had many Athenian sources, though there is also the possibility that he may had used accounts recorded in Macedonia to fill out the tales around Alexander. We have sources that point to Herodotus spending time in Pella, the later home of the Persian royal court, with even a suggestion that he spent his final days there. I feel Herodotus would have had a general idea of Alexander’s involvement from Athenian sources, though they probably would not have spent much time on him but focused more on the Athenians themselves. Herodotus probably gives Alexander a more pronounced role with what he found in Macedonian sources, which for their part presented Alexander in a certain light with the knowledge of how the war would turn out. I for one do not see any reason to dismiss out of hand what Herodotus reports about Alexander during the wars but just keep in mind there are most likely more colourful details added to the already general picture that did occur. After all, it is not disputed that Alexander I was a benefactor of Athens and held a unique friendship with them at this stage. While it is also not hard to see a pragmatic approach for someone in his position becoming a sensible policy. 

Well that brings us to the end of our early look at Macedonian in our tour of the Greek Periphery, but rest assured we will be calling into Macedonian lands as we continue forward towards and into the Peloponnesian War. Next up and for our final destinations of the edge of the Greek world we will be heading to the coast of Anatolia and the region of Ionia, where we will then focus in on the city of Miletus.   

[1] Herodotus 9.45
[2] Diodorus, 7.15
[3] Herodotus 5.94
[4] Herodotus 4.135-142
[5] Herodotus 4.143-144
[6] Herodotus 5.18
[7] Herodotus 5.19
[8] Herodotus 5.18-22
[9] Justin 7.3.2
[10] Herodotus 5.94
[11] Justin 7.4
[12] Herodotus 6.43-45
[13] Naqsh-e Rostam, DNe
[14] Herodotus 6.94
[15] Herodotus 6.100 - 101
[16] Herodotus 6.102-120
[17] Herodotus 7.7
[18] Herodotus 7. 22-25
[19] Herodotus 7.21
[20] Herodotus 7.173
[21] Herodotus 7.173
[22] Herodotus 8.34
[23] Herodotus 8.37 - 39
[24] Herodotus 8.51-53
[25] Herodotus 8.75-76
[26] Herodotus 8.107
[27] Ancient Macedonia, Carol King, p27-28
[28] Herodotus 8.140.a
[29] Herodotus 8.140.b
[30] Herodotus 8.144
[31] Herodotus 8.143
[32] Herodotus 9.31
[33] Herodotus 9.45