Casting Through Ancient Greece
Casting Through Ancient Greece
81. The Terror of War
Uncover the chilling drama of ancient conflict as we journey through the shadows of the Peloponnesian War—revealing the political chaos of Corcyra, and the tragedy of Plataea. This episode uncovers the tales of rebellion, siege, and the sobering reality of political strife, all through the compelling lens of Thucydides' historical narratives. Be prepared to witness the darker side of human nature, where the lust for power leads to a breakdown in social order and a wave of indiscriminate violence that shook the very foundations of Ancient Greece.
Step into the political arena of Corcyra where calculated moves and internal turmoil illustrate the complexities of Greek politics. We navigate through the strategic decisions that inflamed tensions and trace the harrowing outcomes of a society caught in the crossfire of war. The episode lays bare the ruthless political manoeuvres in a landscape fraught with desperation and strategic miscalculations, providing you with a profound understanding of the motivations and consequences that characterized one of history's most infamous conflicts. Join us and experience the intensity of a period where the line between friend and foe was perilously thin.
Death thus raged in every shape and, as usually happens in such times, there was no length to which they did not go. Sons were killed by their fathers and suppliants strayed from the altar or slain upon it, while some were even walled up in the temple of Dionysus and died there Thucydides. Hello, I'm Arcele and welcome back to Casting through Ancient Greece, episode 81, the Terror of War. Last episode, we had focused on the events to do with the city of Mitalini on Lesbos, revolting from the Athenian Empire. We had seen that a conspiracy on the island had developed where Mitalini looked to take control of the other cities of the island so that it would grow its power and influence. Lesbos was one of the few members in the Athenian Empire that still retained a level of autonomy. They were well aware that Athens would not look favourably on their actions to undertake this goal. For this reason, mitalini looked to keep their intentions and actions as secret as possible, though they had taken steps to be ready for when the revolt could no longer be hidden. They had begun to fortify the city and their port, while they also looked to secure grain and mercenaries from the Black Sea region. Though, being in a region that was under Athenian influence. There would be others looking in on their actions, such as cities hostile towards them, as well as detractors within their own walls. This would see that Athens would become aware of Mitalini's actions before they were ready.
Speaker 1:Athens would respond to this new crisis developing within their empire. First, they had disbelieved the reports, but would soon send forces to attempt to bring the growing situation under control. Once confirming revolt was in the works. However, athens had not sent enough troops to be able to force the situation back to their favour. With Mitalini's rejection of Athenian demands, mitalini, seeing they were now forced to act before they were ready, looked to buy time. They sent a delegation to Athens to negotiate, though not expecting anything to come of this endeavour. However, they had also sent a secret envoy to Sparta to try and secure aid and help them resist the Athenians. After some hesitancy on behalf of Sparta, a combined Peloponnesian assembly would agree to help Mitalini.
Speaker 1:This would first come with an agreed second invasion of Attica for 428, though this operation would come undone when many of the Peloponnesians would fail to present themselves on the Corinthian Isthmus as it was now harvesting time in their lands and many felt they had completed their obligations for the year already, though, with the coming of the new campaigning season in 427, a land and naval operation would commence. The plan was to invade Attica to prevent the Athenian sending forces out that could intercept their fleet or provide reinforcements to Lesbos, while the naval contingent would provide direct support to Mitalini something the Spartans had been wary of the previous year the plan had been for the Peloponnesian fleet to remain in Attica until the fleet had reached Lesbos. Though the naval contingent was advancing through the Aegean very cautiously and with no word coming back to the land forces, they were forced to march home to their cities once the supplies had been used up. During this time, mitalini was also forced to surrender to the Athenians who had received reinforcements. The previous winter Divisions within the classes of their oligarchic system on Lesbos had proven to undermine their ability to maintain firm resistance. The revolt ended.
Speaker 1:Athens now turned to the question of what should be done to the people of Mitalini. The initial motions in Athens was to see that a ship was sent out with orders to put to death all the men and make slaves of the rest, though the next day an assembly would be held to revisit this decision. After much debate, a more moderate approach would be decided upon. Only those directly responsible for the revolt would be executed and the rest of the city would be spared. Though the first ship had a full days head start, so the second ship would need to make all haste if the people of Mitalini were to be spared. With plenty of incentives provided to them, the rowers would make it to Lesbos in record time, and made it just as the decree of the first ship was being read out. They'd arrive just in time before the orders could be carried out, saving Mitalini from its terrible fate.
Speaker 1:This episode will be staying in the years 428 and 427, as we cover two other major events that took place. For the first part of the episode, we'll be heading back to the small polis of Plataea that was still under siege from the Peloponnesians and the Oceans. Here we will look at how the siege developed, from where we left it when it was first established. We will then look at what would bring about the surrender of Plataea and its fate. Then, for the rest of the episode, we'll find ourselves back over in the island of Cossara, where events had begun that would ignite the conditions for the Peloponnesian war to break out. The island would find itself in revolution, as the democrats would seek to remain allied to Athens, while the aristocrats, who thought they were being enslaved by Athens, wanted to form an alliance with the Peloponnesians. So let's first head back to the policy of Plataea to start things off this episode.
Speaker 1:During the same winter that the revolt on Mitalini was taking place, plataea, to the north of Attica, was still under siege by the Peloponnesian Alliance. As we saw, plataea had been the target of Peloponnesian actions for 429,. Instead of the usual invasion of Attica, though, the Spartans, at the head of the Peloponnesians, would file and capture the city from assault. What would develop would be an elaborate game of moves and counter moves that would result in a state of siege setting in. As the campaign season came to a close, the majority of the Peloponnesians would march back for their homes, though the Beotians within the Peloponnesian League, mainly the Thebans, would commit forces to keep Plataea under siege, along with the remaining Peloponnesians. This would remain the state of affairs into the winter of 428-427, though the effects of the siege would now have time to take its toll within the polis. Their provisions that had been used to keep the defenders within Plataea fed were now beginning to run out. These had last longer than they would have, since a great deal of the population had been evacuated and sent to Athens. This had left 400 Plataean men, 80 Athenians and 110 women within the city walls. This would be a testament to the formidable nature of the Plataeans defences, with such a small force being able to prevent the city's capture. Though even this small force would only be able to hold out for so long before they would run out of provisions.
Speaker 1:With this being their current situation and no help appearing to be coming from Athens, a desperate plea would now be proposed to try and break the siege. It would be put forward that their only chance of survival would be to force their way through the besiegers' lines. To do this, they would also need to breach the wall that the Peloponnesians had built around Plataea. This proposal of a daring breakout appears to have been met with enthusiasm when first put forward. However, as the defenders had time to reflect on the situation and what was required, many had shrunk back from this course of action. This would see that only half those behind the walls were willing. The rest had deemed that this sort of action was far too risky.
Speaker 1:Just over 200 of the defenders would continue with their plans for the breakout of the siege, these entities would tell us that they would construct ladders in preparation for their attempt. They had to ensure that these ladders would be the right height for when reaching the Peloponnesian walls, so they had many count the number of bricks laid upon each other. In this way, they were able to come up with an accurate estimation of the height that they would need to scale. However, it was not as simple as just being able to clear this one wall. These entities give us a picture of what lay ahead of the men during this escape. There were, in fact, two walls each forming a circle, one directed against Plataea and one facing outwards, to guard against any attack that might be made from Athens. Between the two walls was a space of about 16 feet, and inside this space were built the huts where the men on guard were quartered. The building was continuous, so that the impression made was that of a thick wall with battlements on each side of it, every 10 battlements. There were towers of some size and of the same breadth as the wall, reaching right across from its inner to its outer face. A built so that there was no way past the towers, the only way being through the middle of them.
Speaker 1:It appears, though, that the Plataeans had some intel on the besieges and would wait for a stormy night before making their move. These entities would tell us that, during the rainy and stormy weather, they would abandon the battlements and would take up positions in the towers, as these provided shelter. When bad weather finally did arrive, the plan would spring into action. The roughly 200 men would have a number of close calls in their attempt, but, after capturing a couple of watchtowers and breaching the walls with their ladder, they would end up clearing the Peloponnesian lines. This force, although originally reported by some who had turned back to Plataea as being destroyed, would end up making it to the safety of Athens. However, the fate of those who remained behind would not have the same fortunate outcome.
Speaker 1:The siege would continue through the winter and into the summer of 427, where, finally, the lack of supplies, along with the reduced numbers, would seed the Plataea could not mount an effective defence. This realisation had come when the Peloponnesians had attempted an attack on one part of the wall. They would find that they would be met with very little resistance. Instead of continuing the attack and taking the polis by storm, the Spartan commanders would turn to negotiations instead. Residuities tells us this was because Sparta had issued orders that, if possible, plataea should not be captured but be seen to have come over to the Peloponnesians voluntarily. This was supposedly due to a view to the future where, if a peach treaty should be agreed to, it was thought cities that were captured by force would have to be given back.
Speaker 1:It is also possible that, after seeing how little resistance was being encountered, the Spartans did not want to risk losing men in assault on the city that was on the edge of capitulation. That could be achieved through less forceful means. However, if what the Sidides records is correct, it is interesting to note that this would be our first hint that Sparta did see that a negotiated peace was a possible outcome. A herald would be sent into the city in an attempt to secure the Plataea's surrender. The herald would make it known that the guilty would be punished, but not without a fair trial. Being completely exhausted and on the edge of starvation, the Plataea's would voluntarily give over the city. The defenders would be provided for by the Peloponnesians, seeing that they were fed and warded. However, this would only last for a few days until five magistrates from Sparta would arrive to administer punishment on the defenders.
Speaker 1:Here, the promise of a fair trial would seem to go by the wayside, with the magistrates only putting forward one question have you done anything to help the Spartans and their allies in the present war? It was clear that the Spartans had already made up their minds on the fate of the defenders of the Plataea. However, they would entertain the Plataeans to put forward their case in a long speech. This speech was articulated so well that it put forward a logical defence and even embarrassed those who are listening. The Thebans, who were also present, saw that what the Plataeans put forward could threaten the predetermined outcome that was probably discussed within the Peloponnesian League, and they would respond with their own speech in an attempt to have those listening put back on course. This would seem to have the desired effect, as, instead of being swayed by the Plataeans long plea, the Spartans would simply ask again have you done anything to help the Spartans and their allies in the present war, to which the Plataeans would have to answer no? Thucydides would tell us that each man was asked this question individually and as each one answered no, they were taken away and executed. This would see that almost 200 of the defenders were put to death, including 25 Athenians who had been assisting Plataea. The women who remained in the city were made slaves and the city itself was razed to the ground. New building projects were constructed at the site of the Temple of Hera and eventually, the site of Plataea was handed over to Thebes.
Speaker 1:To finish off this chapter around Plataea, thucydides would tell us that the reason for Sparta acting in such a merciless way towards Plataea was for political purposes. As we have spoken about before, sparta recognised that, if the Peloponnesian War was to drag on, thebes would be an important ally to help exhaust Athens. They were still looking to this long game and needed to keep Thebes as a willing participant. There would be no better way to do this than hand over to them the city in Biosha that had been a thorn in their side when it came to try and unite the whole region under their leadership. Thucydides would record that this was the end of Plataea. As a polis, though, as he died before the end of the Peloponnesian War, he would not know that Plataea would be restored by Sparta in 386 BC.
Speaker 1:So now that we have reached the resolution of the siege of Plataea, we are now going to turn to the crisis that would develop into civil war. This would be on the island of Cassara, who had been central in the road to the opening of the Peloponnesian War. The island had put themselves in alliance with Athens, but divisions within their society would soon see violence erupt. The root of these troubles would stem from before the breakout of the Peloponnesian War when, in 433, at the Battle of Sabota that Cassara had faced off against Corinth, 250 Cassareans had been taken captive. They had been brought back to Corinth and treated with respect, and their loyalty won over. Now, six years after their capture, corinth would send them back to their home island with the hope that they would subvert the Pro-Authenian policy within Cassara.
Speaker 1:The beginnings of civil war would find itself in the change of policy these newly repatriated men would try and put forward. These men had only known the alliance with Athens for a short time, unlike the rest of the island. However, to begin with, the Cassareans did not suspect any conspiracy and had believed the story that the captives had been released due to enormous ransom being paid. However, this ransom was a cover provided by Corinth, who were looking to spread trouble within Cassara. Once back on Cassara, these men would begin work on attempting to influence change in policy. They would attempt to push for the island to revert back to their traditional position of neutrality, rather than being tied to another power. In this way, they tried to have the island remove itself from the Athenial alliance. However, it appears that they had recognised pushing for an alliance with the Peloponnesians would be a step too far and would raise suspicions. By arguing for a position of neutrality, they would be able to keep the appearance of credibility, since it had been Cassara's traditional stance. This would be a first step in the island potentially ending up as a Peloponnesian League member. Incremental changes in policy would eventually lead to the desired outcome. If a change in policy could be affected, this would greatly damage Athens' position.
Speaker 1:As you may remember from our past episodes, cassara had the third largest fleet in the Greek world, behind Athens and Corinth. If the Peloponnesians could secure Cassara as an ally, they would be in a position to challenge Athens on the sea. A debate on Cassara would take place over the matter during an assembly of the citizens, though the groundwork laid by the conspirators would not take hold within the wider community to the extent they initially desired. The assembly would vote that the defensive alliance with Athens should remain in place. However, they would also look to preserve, as the Thetides puts it, their friendly relations with the Peloponnesians. This could be seen as a small step to the greater objective.
Speaker 1:As we had previously seen, cassara, although part of the Athenian alliance, did not want to take an offensive posture. They also wanted a stable relationship with the Peloponnesian coast, since they were located so close to it. Athens, although normally in a position to dictate policy to the member states, appears to have made a compromise with Cassara so that their fleet could be secure. This would not be the end of the attempts to change the policy in Cassara, with the returned prisoners now looking to another angle. For this, they would focus on the democratic figure of Pythias, who was seen to look after Athenian interests in Cassara. A charge would be levelled at him in an attempt to undermine Cassara's alliance with Athens, with him accused of permitting Athens to enslave Cassara. In essence, they were accusing him of traitorous activities towards the island. However, at this stage, it would seem this connection to its alliance with Athens and treasonous activities was a long bow to draw for the citizens of the island. Pythias would be acquitted of all these charges and would now retaliate. Seeing conflict develop between the two, he would target the five richest men of those who were opposing him with a charge of religious violation. This charge would be successful and, due to the sum of money the guilty were required to pay, they would flee and seek sanctuary in temples on the island and beg for a reassessment of the charges. However, the penalty would be upheld. Due to Pythias being a member of the council that would take on this role, he would convince his colleagues to uphold the original decision.
Speaker 1:Now, though, the developments of Kassara were turned violent. The returned prisoners would learn that, with this victory over their members, bethaias now looked to push Kassara's policy further in Athens' favour. Along with a defensive alliance that was already in place, he would seek to try and make Kassara a more complete ally within the Athenian Empire, this seeing the island being able to act in an offensive manner. This may be a point where the citizens looked to align themselves with either side of Kassarian politics. Now that a policy could be seen to be pulled in opposite directions, even the democratic side was moving to make their position more pro-Athenian. The five guilty members would reunite with the other members of their party and, having tried using politics and law to affect their agenda, they were now turned to violence. They would all align themselves with daggers and would descend on the council that Bethaias was a member of. They would kill him, along with 60 others that were present. However, a number of those aligned with Bethaias' policies were now able to escape and would seek safety aboard an Athenian trirem located in the port.
Speaker 1:After this action, those committing this massacre would call an assembly so that they could address the citizens of the island and justify their actions. These entities would record their justification. What they had done was for the best and would prevent the island from being enslaved by Athens. They propose that for the future, they should receive neither side, except for on peaceful terms and coming in not more than one ship at a time. Any greater number would be regarded as enemies. This, on the surface, seems like a measured approach, treating both Athens and Peloponnesians the same, though they probably knew all too well that, with this action, it would be Athens that would respond. So in this way, they were looking to provide opposition to Athens' involvement on Kassara. In an attempt to try and keep Athens at bay, a delegation would be sent to try and counter the story of the Kassarian Democratic refugees would provide to prevent a response to their revolution. It's hard to believe that they seriously thought that Athens would be satisfied with what had taken place and leave them alone. The potential threat of the Kassarian navy was too important to ignore. Perhaps their attempt at gaining talks with Athens was more of an exercise in buying time so they could gain Peloponnesian support. Societies would tell us that once the delegation arrived in Athens, they would be arrested as revolutionaries.
Speaker 1:Fighting on Kassara would now break out between the Democrats and who will now refer to as the oligarchic faction. This appears to have been instigated by the arrival of a Corinthian trirem, where Spartan delegates would also disembark from. This would mark a point where the oligarchs would organise an attack on the Democrats of the island and would see one of the first pitch battles between the two sides. However, the result would fail to decide the fate of Kassara. Although the Democrats were defeated, they were able to withdraw and capture a number of high positions of the city, with the Acropolis being one and the seaward facing harbour, while the oligarchs would control the marketplace and the harbour that faced the Greek mainland. The Democrats would regroup and begin building defensive works, with just sporadic fighting taking place over the next day.
Speaker 1:Both sides, now entrenched in their positions also looked to garner more support for their respective sides. They would focus on the slave population of the island that worked and resided in the surrounding regions To try and entice them to their side. They would be offered the promise of freedom. The Democrats would be far more successful in this attempt, being able to attract the majority. However, the oligarchs would also receive reinforcements, with some 800 mercenaries coming from the mainland. It seems likely here that the Spartan delegation and Kassara might have been instrumental in securing these men. The Democrats, after these activities, were in a more advantageous position, being in control of the high ground and having secured support from a slave population.
Speaker 1:Fighting between the two sides would now resume and due to this democratic advantage they would be victorious in this round of fighting. It appears the fighting would take place in the streets, as the cities would tell us that the women on the democratic side assisted by throwing rift tiles from the houses at the enemy. As night came on, the oligarchs were in full route and took measures so that they would not all be slaughtered. They would begin setting fire to all the houses around the market to stop the Democrats advance. In doing this, they were so desperate that they even destroyed their own properties and risked destruction of the city. This setback would see that the Corinthian ship that had brought the Spartan delegation depart or risked being captured. We would also see that the mercenaries had had enough of the defeats or had not been paid as they would make their way back to the mainland.
Speaker 1:However, this would not be the end of the revolution, as troubles on Cassara had begun, both the Athenians and Peloponnesians had been making preparations to sail for the island. The Peloponnesians would use 40 ships that had been part of an effort on Lesbos and, after evading the Athenians, they had made it back to the mainland. After learning of the revolution breaking out, they would strengthen this force and make for the island in hope of beating the Athenians there. Athens, indeed, had also received word of the troubles breaking out and would prepare to sail with 12 ships that they had at Neopactus. It would be the Athenians, under the command of Nicostratus, that arrived first, and they would look to try and bring about a settlement between the two sides. To help motivate a settlement being reached, the Athenians had also brought with them a force of 500 Messinian hoplites, although what would be a range would seem to be thanks to a mediation from Nicostratus, but we do need to keep in mind the outcome was to Athens' advantage. The facilities would write here once endeavoured to bring about a settlement and persuaded the two parties to agree together to bring to trial 10 of the ringleaders who were no longer in the city, whilst the rest were to live in peace, making terms with each other and entering into alliance with the Athenians.
Speaker 1:It would seem that the Athenian intervention had brought the situation on Kossira under control, though it appears that the distrust and hatred that had developed was too strong for such a measured approach. The 10 Ulegaks who were to be tried fled, and when the Athenians looked to depart the island, the Democrats had persuaded them to leave behind five of their ships, while they would send five of their own with crews to replace them. The Democrats had convinced the Athenians that it did not trust the Ulegaks to uphold the agreement. This may have been a genuine concern, but the Democrats would also take measures to strengthen their own position on the island With the crews of the five ships that they were to supply. They had selected men who had been part of the Ulegarchic faction. It would seem they were attempting to weaken their position on the island where the Democrats could then do as they pleased.
Speaker 1:The Ulegaks saw what was happening here and feared some sort of arrangement had been hatched between Athens and the Democrats. They fled to the temples of the island and would take up sanctuary, fearing that they would be taken back to Athens with some terrible fate awaiting them there. The Athenians would attempt to reassure them that they had no intention of taking them back to Athens, though the Ulegaks were unmoved by their assurances. The Democrats were now ready to head out and kill the Ulegaks, pointing out that their behaviour was proof that they did not intend to be true to the agreement of the peace that was worked out. The situation was on the verge of seeing a great slaughter occur. They had disarmed those sympathetic to the Ulegaks, and then they themselves would march out to where the Ulegaks were taking sanctuary. However, the Athenians were able to take measures that would see that no further violence would take place for now.
Speaker 1:It was now, at this point, where the Peloponnesian fleet that had been involved in the incident on Lesbos would arrive at Kossara. Their aim had been to try and beat any major Athenian fleet arriving on the island, and on their way they had picked up another 13 Allied ships from Salini, along with the Spartan Brassidus, who was acting in an advisory role. With the arrival of this fleet in the waters around Kossara, the Democrats looked to act and defend their waters. The Athenians, who were still only 12 ships strong, advised against confronting the Peloponnesians in their unorganised state and told them to unite in a combined force and follow the Athenians. Though this advice was ignored and the disorganised and undisciplined 60 Kossarian ships went out to engage the Peloponnesians, the two fleets were nearly evenly matched in numbers, but the Kossarian Democrats were easily defeated. The Athenians had also gone out to oppose the enemy fleet and would end up providing an effective rearguard for the Kossarians to make it back to the island after their defeat. The Peloponnesians themselves had also hampered their efforts at following up their initial victory, as the defeated Neopactors were still fresh in their heads and they didn't want to make the same mistake.
Speaker 1:Panic had broken out in Kassaira. With his defeat on sea, it was thought that the Peloponnesians would land and attack the city and rescue the oligarchs. However, the Peloponnesians did not take this action and would take back the ships they had captured and made camp on the mainland, although Brassidus urged the Peloponnesian commanders to attack the island, while the Democrats were confused and frightened the next day or two would just result in raids in nearby regions. This pause would be fatal to the Peloponnesians' aims in Kassaira. Word would reach them that a fleet of 60 Athenian ships was approaching. This Athenian fleet had been what the Peloponnesians had been worried about and had beaten to Kassaira, though the decisive actions after their victory at sea now took away the advantage they had held. During the early naval battle, they had been cautious of engaging the 12 Athenian vessels, but now, with the imminent arrival of 60 more, there was no way they were going to oppose them. Now they would depart the area under the cover of darkness and would head for home.
Speaker 1:It was now at this point where the restraint of the Democratic faction was completely shaken off. The departure of the Peloponnesian fleet had taken away the one threat of retaliation for their actions within the island. To begin with, the Democrats would engage in political executions targeting the political rivals of the opposing faction. We here, of one instance, were about 50 oligarchs taking sanctuary where convinced to come out and face trial. However, this was for all intents and purposes a show trial when all were found guilty and executed. The remainder of the oligarchs, who had just witnessed what took place then within the confines of the sanctuary, killed one another rather than experience their fate at the hands of the enemy. However, as the violence continued, it began targeting those who were perceived as enemies now, this being a very subjective distinction. It would allow for acts of violence for personal motivations to take place With the cover of this was all done in the name of preserving democracy on Kusara, the violence would end up seeing no bounds With, as the acidity says, death thus raged in every shape and, as usually happens at such times, there was no length to which they did not go.
Speaker 1:Sons were killed by their fathers and suppliants dragged from the altar or slain upon it, while some were even walled up in the temple of Dionysus and died there. All morality that had existed on the island was now gone. All that seemed to matter was the citizens party membership. Loyalty to one's faction was the only virtue that now counted, while dark and evil schemes directed towards the enemy were admired. What must also be noted was that the Athenians were present during the heights of the violence and appeared to have stood by and let it play out.
Speaker 1:What is interesting here is that, before the violence had erupted on this level and the 12 Athenian ships were present, the Athenian commander, nicostratus, had encouraged restraint and compromise between the two factions. This has led some to believe that he was acting from a perspective of that of the moderates in Athens. However, with the arrival of the 60 additional Athenian ships, with its commander Eurymedon, this moderate approach seems to have been dispensed with, with him now seeming to be in command. It's argued that he was actively encouraging the revolution, though not directly taking part. He seems to fall more in line with the policies of Clion and viewed the moderate's approach as being ineffective. How much of this dynamic is true is difficult to say, as it is also possible that the change in situation, with Athens being present in superior numbers and the Peloponnesians retreating to the mainland, may have seen Athens able to now encourage their policy at will, now that no strong threat could counter them or their allies that they were supporting.
Speaker 1:However, there would be no clear resolution to the fighting of Gassira, as we would hear. The Athenian fleet would sail away, this probably taking place when it was seen that the democrats had gained control over the island. Plus, the close of the campaigning season was also in the mind of the naval commanders, though the fighting on the island would continue, some 500 oligarchs would escape Gassira and establish forts along the mainland opposite, where Gassira had exerted some influence. They would gain control of these lands, but would continue to harass the democrats, which would cause a famine on the island to break out. The oligarchs would also try and regain support from Sparta and Corinth to try and re-establish them on the island, but would fail on this bid. Instead, they would secure the services of some mercenaries and would arrange their own campaign against the democrats. They would sail over with 600 men and burn their ships this, as the Thetides says so that they had no hope except in becoming masters of the country. We would hear that by the end of 427, they were able to capture Mount Estonia and make their base there, while they would then continue on their struggle, gaining command of the countryside. This would see that the revolution would not resolve itself in 427, and the fighting would continue, with the democrats in control of the city and the oligarchs controlling the countryside.
Speaker 1:This episode Around the Troubles on Kasara would give Thysedades an opportunity in his history of the Peloponnesian War to portray the horrific consequences of civil strife during a time of war. The conditions of the larger war would make the internal strife of Kasara so much more volatile, as Thysedades would write. In peace there would have been neither the pretext nor the wish to make such an invitation. But in war, with an alliance, always at the command of either faction, for the hurt of their adversaries and their own corresponding advantage, opportunities for bringing in the foreigner were never wanting to the revolutionary parties. Thysedades saw civil war on Kasara provided the blueprint and what would play out in other places, that civil strife would emerge through the Peloponnesian War. The democratic factions would be able to call upon Athens to assist, while the oligarchs could seek Spartan assistance.
Speaker 1:So to close out our episode today, I want to quickly look at some of the themes that Thysedades would highlight and focus on during his account of the civil war in Kasara and that would translate into other revolutions that would develop. The first focus is on human nature and political instability. Thysedades uses the events of Kasara to explore the darker aspects of human nature and the destructive consequences of political instability. The civil war serves as an example of how internal strife and factionalism within a city-state can lead to violence, betrayal and the breakdown of social norms. His account also illustrates the devastating effects of civil strife on the social fabric of a community. Thysedades describes the breakdown of traditional values, the collapse of moral standards and the erosion of trust among citizens. The violence and brutality that emerged during the civil war highlight the fragility of social order in Kasara. Thysedades would also emphasise how the civil war corrupts language and distorts communication. He describes how words lose their meaning, rhetoric becomes a tool of manipulation and people struggle to distinguish between truth and falsehood. This breakdown in communication contributes to the chaos and confusion during the conflict.
Speaker 1:As I have already pointed out, kasara would be but one policy that would see revolution during the Peloponnesian War. Thysedades uses the events of Kasara as a case study to draw broader lessons about the cylindrical nature of political upheaval in civil conflict. His narrative suggests that similar patterns of strife can reoccur in different places and times, emphasising the timeless and universal aspects of human behaviour in times of crisis. Thysedades' account of Kasara has also been interpreted as a critique on democracy. He suggests that the excesses of democracy, including the influence of demagogues and the unchecked power of the masses, can contribute to political instability and civil unrest. This theme resonates with his overall analysis of the causes and consequences of the Peloponnesian War, which we have looked at previously. So in Thysedades' presentation of the Civil War on Kasara, we can see several significant themes that would apply not just to this conflict but others that would follow. These are best summed up in his exploration of human nature, the impact of civil strife in society, the corruption of language and the broader historical patterns and lessons that can be drawn from such conflicts. However, as we have the benefit of nearly 2,500 years of hindsight, we can seriously ask how many times these lessons need to be learned.
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