Casting Through Ancient Greece
Casting Through Ancient Greece
82: Sicily Revisited
Prepare to be transported to a Sicily that's both ancient and alive, where democracy's roots intertwine with the whispers of tyrants. On our historical odyssey, we'll traverse the landscapes of power, betrayal, and the unending quest for dominion. I promise an expedition into the heart of Sicilian intrigue, from the liberation of Syracuse to the theatrics of Hieron's tyranny, and the eventual emergence of revolutions that would forever alter the island's destiny.
Our narrative begins in the aftermath of the Greco-Persian Wars, charting a course through Sicily's golden age of peace to the tumultuous tides of 427 BCE. We won't shy away from the stark contrasts of rule, examining the cunning manoeuvres of Hieron as he clings to power, the bloody outcomes of political machinations, and the indelible marks left by tyrants on the fabric of their cities.
Finally, wisdom takes centre stage as we scrutinize the counsel of Simonides to Hieron, juxtaposing the downfalls of despots with the democratic reawakening of Syracuse. The intricate dance of Sicilian politics continues with revolts and power shifts, where the spectre of tyranny lingers, and the ambitions of leaders like Ducetius spark conflict and change. Join us for a profound look at ancient strategies and the timeless struggle for power, as we piece together the lessons history has etched into the stones of Sicily, setting the chessboard for the Sicilian expedition that awaits over a decade later.
The Syracuseans, having liberated their native city in this manner, gave permission to the mercenaries to withdraw from Syracuse, and they liberated the other cities, which were either in the hands of tyrants or had garrisons, and re-established democracies in them. From this time, the city enjoyed peace and increased great lead prosperity, and it maintained its democracy for almost 60 years. Diadorus. Hello everyone, I'm Mark Selick and welcome back to Castings for Ancient Greece, episode 82, sicily Revisited. We have now tied up a few Lucens with the developments of the early years of the Peloponnesian War. We did leave the civil war on Cossaira open, as it would remain in a state of conflict for a few more years. However, we will return to the island when its resolution would come about. We are going to continue on with events from 427, where we will find further Athenian campaigning in western Greece, as well as a natural disaster that would take place. However, we will be taking a slight digression this episode, as we will also see that Athens would launch campaigns into Sicily. This would not be the infamous Sicilian campaign that would also be so disastrous for Athens, as this still was over a decade off, though it would be Athens first foray into the region during the Peloponnesian War and where we can now see regions further away in the Greek world becoming brought into the conflict. Last time we looked in on Sicily was some time ago, so I thought it would be beneficial to take a step back and look at what had been developing on the island since the end of the Greco-Persian War period, where we had left events on Sicily last time. This will then help see what had been developing on the island since and help provide some context to the period of the Peloponnesian War, where Athens would come campaigning.
Speaker 1:When looking at Sicily, we had gone back to look at the possible origins of people arriving on the island, this being perhaps up to 40,000 years ago. When looking this far back, it is difficult to speak about what took place with any certainty. However, most of our ancient sources will talk about three different groups making up the ancient population of the island before the Greek colonies arrived. This would be the Emillians and Sicanians, who were seen to inhabit the island during the Bronze Age, while the group known as the Sicils would be seen to have come to the island sometime around the collapse of the Bronze Age. This may have been tied to the greater picture of the collapse taking place around the Mediterranean, with the Sicils possibly being part of the migrations of the period. We then found the ancient sources were much more informative when it came to the period of the Greek colonisation during the archaic age.
Speaker 1:During this time we also saw that the Phoenicians were very active in the region and set up trading posts and made settlements on the west of the island. As the colonies began to grow and the various communities became more populous, conflict between the different groups would come about. This would see that most of the coastal areas north, south and east were under Greek influence. The western part of the island would be under Phoenician control, or more accurately, the control of Carthage, a North African city that had begun as a Phoenician colony. The Emillians would have also integrated within this Phoenician culture that was developing, while the rest of the original inhabitants had been pushed inland to the central parts of the island.
Speaker 1:We had also seen in the Greek cities of Sicily as population and power grew, the dynamics of politics would evolve much like they had on the Greek mainland. This had seen the rise of the first tyrants of the island, where last time we took our look up to the tyrant of Galon, who would see Syracuse become the most powerful city on the island. The growing power of Galon had seen other cities, namely Haimira, look to the Carthaginians for a counter to his expansionism. This would result in the battle of Haimira that would see the Carthaginians decisively beaten in the same year that Xerxes had launched his invasion of Greece in 480 BC. This is roughly where we finished our look at the developments in Sicily some time back. So let's now look at what had been unfolding on the island during the 50 year period between the end of the Persian wars and the Peloponnesian war. So, as I pointed out, we had finished up our look at Sicily nearly 40 episodes ago with the battle of Haimira. As we saw, this battle took place during the same year that the second Persian invasion had taken place.
Speaker 1:Our Greek sources had also spoken about the Hellenic League looking to recruit the Greeks of Sicily. Herodotus would tell us of a delegation being sent to Galon. The Lachodemonians and their allies have sent us to recruit you to our side against the Barbarian, for surely you have heard of his invasion of Hellas, how the Persian has bridged the Hellaspont and is bringing the whole army of the east out of Asia to lead a campaign against Hellas. His pretext is that he is marching against Athens, but he actually plans to subjugate all of Hellas to himself. You yourself have obtained great power, and your share of Hellas is hardly insignificant, since you rule over Sicily. So help us defend the freedom of Hellas and join us in keeping it free. But all the men of Hellas joined together, a great force will be assembled, and with it we can match the invaders in battle.
Speaker 1:This had then seen an exchange between the delegates in Galon, where he first rebuked them for not coming to his aid earlier. However, then Galon would offer forces to the Greeks, this including a sizeable fleet, but this offer would come with conditions. Galon wanted to command the Greek forces, but when this was challenged, he then sought command of either the navy or the army, but again, this was unsatisfactory, with both sides unable to come to an agreement. The Greeks of the mainland would face Circus alone, while Galon would soon have his own issues to worry about with the Carthaginian invasion that would result in the Battle of Hymeria. With his victory at Hymeria, galon would remain tyrant of Syracuse and had effectively removed the Carthage as being a threat to the Greeks on Sicily for the next 70 years.
Speaker 1:Diodoros would tell us that Galon won huge fame in Syracuse and in other Greek cities of Sicily due to his fair treatment of all the Greeks involved in the battle, he would say. As for Galon, after his victory, he not only honoured with Giths the horsemen who had slain Hamilkar, but also decorated with rewards for prowess or others who had played the part of men. The fairest part of the booty he put to one side, since he wished to embellish the temples of Syracuse with the spoils. As for the rest of the booty, much of it he nailed to the most notable of the temples in Hymeria, and the rest of it, together with the captives, he divided among the allies, appointing it in accordance with the number who had served with him. The cities put the captives allotted to them in chains and used them for building public works, and then later, he would write, galon, after dismissing the allies, led the citizens of Syracuse back home and, because of the magnitude of its success, he was enthusiastically received not only amongst his fellow citizens but also throughout the whole of Sicily, for he brought with him such a magnitude of captives that it looked as if the island had made the whole of Libya captive. The fallout of the victory at Haimira and Galon's reported treatment of the Greek allies would see that relative peace would descend on Greek cities as Sicily.
Speaker 1:However, in 478, a year after the Greek victory over the Persians at Plataea and Macaulay, galon, the Tyrant of Syracuse would die, though his reign would be remembered as a golden age by later Syracusans. While Galon was on his deathbed, he would name his brother, huron, as his Excessor. However, it would quickly become apparent that he would feel insecure in his new position as ruler of Syracuse. Another brother, polyzealous, who was governor of Galer and had married Galon's widow, was seen as a threat. His influence and connections to Galon through marriage would be in Huron's mind. While it was also reported Polyzealous was very popular with the people, this would see that Huron would become paranoid, that his brother was attempting to seize control of the tyranny. Diodoros reports Huron as being in complete contrast to that of Galon, saying he was selfish, violent and a stranger to sincerity and nobility of character.
Speaker 1:Supposedly, with Huron becoming ruler, many were inclined to revolt, but their respect of Galon had seen this not materialised. It seems his reputation extended beyond his death and the people must have initially thought there must be some rationale to Galon's decision To attempt to secure his power. Huron would raise his own personal bodyguard that would be loyal to him rather than to the city. He would also look to rid himself of his rivals that could threaten his rule. He would send Polyzealous off on a campaign that was directed at an Italian city. The idea here was that it would be highly likely that he would be killed during the campaign. This way, huron could remove his rival without it seeming he had a hand in his death. Around this particular story, two outcomes would come down to us. One would have Polyzealous refused a command that had been given to him and he would flee to Acragus to avoid retaliation, while the other would also have him escaping to Acragus, but rather to avoid Huron's jealousy, as supposedly he had distinguished himself in the campaign. Whatever the details were, it would appear that his rival would be seeking safety in Acragus, as he would arrange a campaign to be directed at the city to attempt to remove his rival once and for all.
Speaker 1:The last time we looked at Sicily was around the Battle of Hymira, and we saw many of the Greek cities on the island would unite to combat the Carthaginians. This was similar to what had happened on the Greek mainland with the Persian invasions, but with the removal of the outside threat, the Greek cities would once again turn attention to their more closely related rivals. The same would begin to unfold on Sicily, now that the Carthaginian threat had been removed. The city of Hymira, the site of the decisive victory over the Carthaginians, would now find itself under the rule of a leader that would align with our modern idea of a tyrant. Thrasidaeus had been made governor of the city by his father, theron. This was the same Theron that was the tyrant of Acragus, who had been allied with Galon at the Battle of Hymira.
Speaker 1:Thrasidaeus was very unpopular within Hymira due to his harsh rule, though. The people did not feel confident in approaching Theron with their grievances, so they would turn to Huron for help. A delegation had been sent to Huron. They would offer the handing over the city to him if he intervened, while they would also assist in the campaign that it was preparing against Acragus. The delegation probably would have walked away confident of the offers made, as it was clear Huron had designs on more power in Sicily. However, huron seems to have reassessed his situation and now decided to abandon his campaign against Acragus, but instead betrayed the plot of the people of Hymira to Theron. This, he had judged was in his best interest.
Speaker 1:For now, given the power that Theron held, perhaps judging an attack on his fellow tyrant was a risky move. This would be a disastrous outcome for the people of Hymira, where those who had been in opposition to Thrasidaeus' rule were massacred. Huron would also receive a positive outcome in regards to his brother. Polyzealous would travel back to Syracuse and, appearing the two would be reconciled. Huron, after this, would then continue to secure his rule in Syracuse and the other regions he controlled by using forced deportations to remove those he saw as being of questionable loyalty and would settle those that were more aligned to his form of rule that had come over from the Peloponnes. Huron would also look further afield than the Greek cities on Sicily and would send a fleet to assist the city of Cumae on the Italian mainland, where they're continuing struggles with the Etruscans. The activity around the Italian mainland would have affected the trade routes for Sicily, so sending aid was also aligned with Huron's interests. The combined Greek fleet was able to achieve a decisive victory over the Etruscans, which would finally remove them from being a threat to the Greeks in southern Italy. However, with the Etruscans now in a weakened state in central Italy, new emerging powers would now challenge them. This would see the Samnites fill the vacuum and, in the future, rome would find themselves challenging the Samnites over the same territory as they began to expand.
Speaker 1:In 472, huron, the tyrant of a cragus, passed away and it would be his son, thracidaeus, who had been the governor of Haimira, that would inherit the tyranny. This was the same Thracidoris that Huron had assisted when it came to the people of Haimira wanting to revolt. Thracidoris tells us that Theron, although a tyrant, had been well respected within the cragus, noted for his equal treatment of those in the city. Upon his death, he would be given honors afforded to heroes. However, thracidaeus would be in complete contrast to his father. This is a recurring theme that we would see with tyrannies.
Speaker 1:Usually, the founder of the tyranny is popular amongst the people, though his heirs turn out to be wicked in nature. Perhaps this has something to do with the originator of the tyranny fighting against an idea and being part of a movement for the people. However, the next generation would be raised on his coattails and had not experienced the reason for the tyranny in the first place. Basically, tyranny would emerge through the popular support of the people, usually for reasons of overthrowing the aristocratic class that had a hold on power. Once achieved, the tyrant was allowed to continue their rule through the goodwill of the people, since they had delivered on what had been promised. However, after the death of the original tyrant, there was no real reason for the tyranny to continue, and the successor would find themselves in a position with diminished support from the people. The tyrant's motives to rule was now for power's sake, and to keep it they would need to resort to repressive measures in the face of very little to no support from the demos.
Speaker 1:After taking control of Ocragus, thracidaeus would now turn on Huron and would begin arrangements to attack Syracuse. He would raise an army of 20,000 men, which included mercenaries and citizens of both Ocragus and Hymeria pressed into service. However, huron was not to be taken by surprise. He had obviously caught wind of the change in stance coming out of Ocragus. In response, he would gather together his own formidable army and would take the fight to Thracidaeus. Diodorus would tell us that a costly battle would take place that would see Huron lose some 2000 men, while Thracidaeus would suffer twice as many casualties. The result of the battle would be a clear victory to Huron and his Syracusans. This, for Thracidaeus would seal his fate as a defeat would see him expelled from the city, probably having lost all support from the nobles that helped him remain in power. He would try and save himself and flee to Nassien Magara, but would be condemned to death once arriving.
Speaker 1:It then seems that the war between the two cities continued for another couple of years, with the oligarchs now in control in Ocragus, though eventually democracy would develop and replace the aristocrats of the city, and one of the democracy's first actions would be to secure peace with Syracuse. Huron would remain in power at Syracuse until his death in 467 BC, and, depending on who in society you asked, you would get varying opinions on his rule. This showed being a tyrant was a complex experience, with certain parts of society benefiting while others would be repressed. He would be well known for his patronage to the arts and advancing culture within Sicily, though on the other hand, he also made use of organised informers, like a secret police force, to help rid dissent amongst his own people.
Speaker 1:Xenophon, the military leader, philosopher and historian, would write a fictional dialogue that would feature both Huron and the poet's amenities, taking place sometime in the 470s. The dialogue is Huron's response to the notion that a tyrant's life is much more pleasant than that of the common people. Having experienced both sides of the coin, huron looks to dispel this misconception. Although this is a fictional work and presented by a figure who was no fan of democracy, I think it is still worth looking at as it potentially shed some more light on the figure of the tyrant during this period where democracies would emerge out of the archaic period dominated by the oligarchic systems. For us today, a tyrant is a negative term to assign to someone, but during ancient times this was not so clear cut. The dialogue between Huron and Simonides dulls into various aspects of governance, ethics and leadership, so let's have a little bit of a closer look at these themes that are presented.
Speaker 1:Huron seeks guidance from Simonides on how to govern as a tyrant that is both effective and virtuous. Simonides advises Huron that true power lies not in the ability to control others through force, but in the ability to control oneself. He emphasises the importance of self-discipline and moderation for the ruler, suggesting that a tyrant who subcums to excesses risks losing the respect and loyalty of his subjects. Simonides warns against the dangers of relying too heavily on flattery to maintain power. He argues that flatterers may lead a ruler astray by appealing to his ego and vanity, ultimately undermining his ability to govern wisely. Instead, simonides advocates for surrounding oneself with honest advisers who offer constructive criticism and counsel based on reason rather than flattery.
Speaker 1:Huron and Simonides discuss the importance of treating subjects fairly and with justice. Simonides argues that a ruler who oppresses his people will inevitably face resentment and rebellion, whereas a ruler who governs with benevolence and compassion will inspire loyalty and devotion. He stresses the need for rulers to uphold the law and ensure that their actions align with principles of justice and morality. Throughout the dialogue, simonides emphasises the importance of virtue in leadership. He suggests that a ruler should strive to cultivate qualities such as wisdom, courage and temperance, as these virtues are essential for governing effectively and earning the respect of both allies and adversaries. Simonides believes that a truly skilled tyrant is one who governs with integrity and humility, placing the well-being of his subjects above his own interests Overall, the dialogue between Huron and Simonides offers profound insights into the complexities of leadership and the moral dilemmas faced by rulers wielding power. It underscores the importance of ethical conduct, self-awareness and the pursuit of virtue in the exercise of authority, presenting a nuanced exploration of the responsibilities and challenges inherent in governing.
Speaker 1:With Huron's death. Those who had suffered under his rule had their hopes of a liberated life quickly dashed, as Huron's brother, thrasybulus not to be confused with Thrasidaeus would succeed the tyranny of Syracuse, who, diodorus tells us, surpassed in wickedness his predecessor to the kingship. For being a violent man and murderous by nature, he put to death many citizens unjustly and drove not a few into exile on false charges, confiscating their possessions into the royal treasury. Given that Thrasybulus appears to have not enjoyed the level of support his brother had, he would have to resort to obtaining a personal bodyguard, where he had to buy their loyalty. This force was large enough to be able to oppose the citizens of the city that would normally make up the military. This would see him feel secure in his position, so he would continue the many injustices against the people of Syracuse.
Speaker 1:However, as we have seen before, deterrence only works for so long. Once people see that they have no other course of action open to them, they are prepared to risk everything to attempt a chance at freedom. This was the situation in Syracuse by this stage, and the people began to break out in active revolt. The revolt had been properly organised, with leaders in place and a general determination to regain and hang onto their freedom. Much of the demos of the city had now taken up arms against Thrasybulus and his regime, to where he had some cause for concern. He would first attempt to try and defuse the situation that had developed against him by turning to persuasion, though, given his previous actions against the people, they most likely saw that his word meant very little to them and could not be trusted.
Speaker 1:Given that the revolt continued to gain momentum in the face of his negotiations, thrasybulus would instead try to turn to force to regain control. He would now assemble a formidable force that would be composed of his mercenaries, his allies and those who had been settled in Sicily by his brother Huron. All up, this army would number 15,000 men, according to Diodorus. Even with this force, he was initially compelled to withdraw from parts of Sicily that the citizen army took control of. Though he would regain control of Syracuse's two harbours, a full scale battle would not develop, with both sides just launching limited raids into each other's areas of control. It would seem that both sides were cautious of initiating an offensive on the other, given the urban nature of the areas they controlled.
Speaker 1:The people of Syracuse used this time to try and gain support from other cities on the island with their heralds first approaching the newly democratic city of Acragus, their time under tyranny and gaining their freedom, would see. Their sympathies were with the people and they sent supplies, men and ships to help with their cause. Other nearby cities would also follow suit with helping the Syracuse and against their despotic ruler. The historian Jeff Champion, in his book the Tyrants of Syracuse, puts forward the idea that these cities were eager to help due to Syracuse being the most powerful city on the island and if they could rid the tyranny there and help usher in a democratic system, this would lead to a more peaceful situation for all in the region. Finally, the citizens had gathered up enough resources and men to where they were confident to offer battle to Thrasybulus and his army on both land and sea.
Speaker 1:However, many of Thrasybulus' allies, probably seeing that many of the Greek cities had gone to support the people, which would leave them isolated in the regions in the long run deserted, the Tyrants army Plus their motivations to fight, was not on the same level as the people of Syracuse. As it was seen that an easy victory was not as likely as first thought, they would have thought twice about giving their lives for the ambitions of a tyrant, though the money Thrasybulus had paid to his mercenaries appeared to be enough to see that they would stick by him and would engage the people of Syracuse, by this stage most of the city was under the control of the people, but Thrasybulus sailed out with his fleet against theirs. However, he would be decisively beaten in the naval engagement, losing a number of ships. This saw his grip on Syracuse almost lost and, in desperation, he would launch his land forces in an effort to try and regain some control on the city. But once again, his forces were defeated, with heavy losses and forced to withdraw. This defeat would be the point where Thrasybulus realised he had lost control of his tyranny and seeked to make terms with the people of the city while he still had an army behind him.
Speaker 1:The terms that were arranged would allow Thrasybulus to go into exile, this being only 11 months after him first coming to the head of the tyranny. The mercenaries who had been under his service were also allowed to leave the city without any reprisals against them. In the wake of the people's victory in Syracuse, they were now set about removing garrisons from the cities that had been under the tyranny's control, liberating them to where democracy could replace their previous systems. As for Syracuse, democracy would come into, replace the system of tyranny they had been first freely established under Galon. The city would now prosper and experience a period of peace unknown to it for over a generation, with Diodorus saying this period would last for 60 years, though, as we would see, this appears to be somewhat of an exaggeration. With this overthrow of the tyranny, we would see a rise in democracies that would develop within Sicily, with not just Syracuse opting for the system of governance.
Speaker 1:However, not much is recorded about how the constitutions of the various systems were developed. The only city we get some information on, but very limited, is to do with Syracuse. We know the people came together in assembly to decide on the constitution that would govern the city. The details that, for the most part, have not survived our time, but we can look to Athens Constitution to get an idea of what had most likely come to frame the Syracuse and system, which we probably can infer filtered to the other cities within Sicily. However, we do need to keep in mind the general realities of the democratic systems were probably similar. While the finer details would differ from city to city.
Speaker 1:The fundamental nature of the democratic system would rest on the debate and decisions that would be made by an assembly of citizens of the city. The core of the democratic decision making in Syracuse, as in other Greek democracies, was the citizen assembly. In this assembly, eligible citizens would gather to debate and vote on important issues such as laws, policies and declarations of war. Citizenship in ancient Syracuse was likely limited to free adult males. Women, slaves and non-citizens did not have political rights and were excluded from participating in the democratic process.
Speaker 1:Syracuse, like other Greek democracies, elected officials to manage administrative functions. These officials, including magistrates and generals, were often chosen through democratic processes, such as election by the citizen assembly or selection by lottery. There was probably also a council, known as the Boulais, which played a role in preparing and proposing legislation to be debated and voted on by the citizen assembly. The council would have been composed of a smaller group of citizens, either elected by a selected lot to deliberate on matters of governance, much like what we had seen in Athens. It is likely Syracuse had leaders who were elected or appointed to execute positions, such as Strategos or Archon, to oversee the implementation of decisions made by the citizen assembly and general council. Overall, democracy in ancient Syracuse and other Sicilian cities resembled mainland Greek city-states in its basic structures, with citizen participation assemblies, elected officials and councils playing a central role in decision making. However, the specific details and institutions of Syracuse's democracy would have varied over time and in response to internal and external circumstances, although with whatever the finer details were of the democracy, syracuse and the other cities had changed to a form of governance that saw the people with more of a say in the direction of policies.
Speaker 1:A fundamental element in the system was the notion of the citizen, where there are indications that Syracuse, and perhaps some of the other cities, did not limit citizenship to adult males born with citizen parents. It seems as though others who had been settled within the city or its regions had also been granted citizenship. However, there was one group of people, in the case of Syracuse, that would find themselves stripped of citizenship that had been granted to them under the tyranny, these being the mercenaries. This appears to have been punishment for their involvement in the tyranny, while the people must have argued that their loyalty to the city could not be trusted, since money had dictated their loyalty in the past. As you can probably imagine, this stripping of citizenship did not go down well with the 7000 former mercenaries. This would see this body of men arrange themselves to take arms against the people, where they would fortify themselves in a section of the city. Syracuse would respond to this new threat developing within the city against their democracy by laying siege to the fortified position. Over time, the citizen army would starve the mercenaries out from their positions by building a wall separating them from the countryside and defeating them at sea so a blockade could be imposed. This would then lead to both sides meeting each other in a land battle. Even though the mercenaries had the edge in military experience, they would be defeated by the much more numerous citizen army. Diodorus doesn't tell us the fate of the mercenaries, though this had been the first test of the newly formed democracy of Syracuse. However, the people's dislike of tyrants and its supporters would not be limited to areas around Syracuse. They would launch a campaign against Atna, which was previously known as Kitane. The original inhabitants had been ejected after Huron had settled a new population at the site and changed its name. With this help from Syracuse, the original population was reinstalled and the city would revert to its original name.
Speaker 1:The examples set by Syracuse and their actions towards the other cities that supported tyranny would supposedly see an uptick in the cities on Sicily that would depose their tyrants. The overthrowing of all these tyrannies would now see the lower classes gain more concessions, maybe not to the same extent as the ones that had happened in Athens, but we hear that the system of land redistribution would be a major reform that would take place. However, unlike in Athens and the other mainland Greek cities, the land scenes would be taken from the enemies of the city rather than the wealthy. This point has led some to see Syracuse more of an oligarchy rather than a democracy, though it just appears it was not as radical as Athens had become in the mid-fifth century. Perhaps we could think of Sicily being in a period of early democracy, like Athens was, when it was undergoing its own early reforms.
Speaker 1:Within seven years of democracy replacing the tyranny, civil strife would develop in a number of cities, with diodoras telling us Syracuse would see some of the worst unrest. It appears one of the biggest factors in seeing civil strife return was due to how poorly the land distribution had taken place. Endless lawsuits were in process as arguments over who owned what were never ending. We saw in Athens. Periods of civil strife that broke out saw that society was particularly vulnerable to leaning towards tyranny. This was becoming the case in Syracuse, with a politician by the name of Tindarides gaining much popular support, where he felt he was in a position to launch a coup. However, the new democratic system was alert to the signs of tyranny and his plot was discovered he would be tried and sentenced to death, though his supporters attempted to revolt and rescue him. However, they would be defeated and, along with their leader, would be put to death, this showing how serious the people took the threat of tyranny. We would also hear that Syracuse would put in place a system of ostracism, similar to Athens, in an attempt to try and prevent the rise of another such figure.
Speaker 1:Over this period, even with these activities going on, the Greek cities of Sicily had experienced a relatively more peaceful experience. On the whole, the time of the tyrants had seen more frequent wars and larger in scale. However, in 459 BC, this time, a peace would be broken with an uprising of the sickles, who would revolt against the Greek cities. The revolt would be led by a man named Decidius, who had previously helped Syracuse in their campaign against the tyrants In the 450s. Decidius would gather support and would have successes in this period of the revolt. As we have brought up before, the sickles occupied the central lands of Sicily and, under Decidius, he would unite the many tribes. In doing this, he would found his own city Mine in the south-east of Sicily and would distribute land to settlers. Once having a united foundation to work with, he would then begin attacking the Greek cities. He would capture some Greek cities nearby, with his success attracting more supporters to the cause. This would see a new capital of the sickles established just north of Mine, this being named Policia. The city would grow in size rapidly, with it being a beacon for escaped slaves.
Speaker 1:By 451, the sickles would launch their most ambitious campaign against the Greeks yet, with them targeting larger cities further away To the north. Etna would be captured, while the territory of Acragus would be attacked, with cities being laid siege to. Initially, syracuse had not become involved, but now it seems the sickle revolt had been recognised as a threat that needed to be dealt with. The city of Mottium was currently being besieged, and the Syracusans would march out to attempt to relieve the city after it having entered into an alliance with Acragus. A battle outside the city would develop between the two sides, where the sickles would overcome the combined Greek force. This would see the city fall, though the winter would prevent Acidius from exploiting his successors.
Speaker 1:The next year, syracuse would assemble a much larger army, it appearing they had severely underestimated the strength of the sickles the previous year. This new army would march off and engage the sickles again. This time around, the Greeks would force the sickles to rout after a fierce battle. The defeated army, along with Acidius, would fall back to Mottium, where they would be attacked again Before the fall of the city. The cityus would flee, fearing he would be betrayed to the Greeks. However, he would flee to Syracuse, where he sought sanctuary at one of the city's temples.
Speaker 1:For the people of Syracuse, this was an interesting development. An assembly would be held to discuss his fate. The two sides formed one seeking the death penalty, while the other wanted to spare him. Mercy would end up being extended to the cityus, where he would be sent into exile and Corinth banned from returning to Sicily. He would be provided an income, though it appears Syracuse may have secured an agreement with him in return for the mercy shown. Jeff Champion points out in his work that it appears that the towns that are to cityus had held control over appear to have been ordered to surrender to the Syracusans, where they would now come under their control.
Speaker 1:This, however, would not be the last that the island would see of to cityus. He would return in 446 BC to found a new city with Greek and Sicil colonists. This move would also ignite another conflict between the Cragus and Syracuse. Apparently, during the debate over to cityus' fate, syracuse had not consulted with the Cragus, who resented this shun. With his return, a Cragus looked to act against the new city, as they had suffered at the hands of the Sicils before. However, syracuse seems to have not been too concerned with the cityus' return.
Speaker 1:The resentment during this period would reach a point where a Cragus would decide to declare war on Syracuse. It would appear the rapid growth of Syracuse's wealth and influence after the overthrow of the tyrants and collapse of the Sicils saw a Cragus wanted to put a halt to further advances. With the war between a Cragus and Syracuse breaking out, the other Greek cities on the island would align themselves with one of the two most powerful cities of Sicily. The decisive battle of the war between the two sides would be fought at the Hymira River, which would result in Syracuse's victory. This would see a Cragus coming to terms with Syracuse, which would see Syracuse move into a position where they would take a leading role over the other Greek cities of Sicily.
Speaker 1:We don't get any details of the terms from the piece, but it seems likely that a similar pattern as what had happened on the mainland took place. Defeated cities would be forced into an alliance with the more powerful, victor, and then required to pay some form of tribute. Syracuse would further advance their influence when Decidius would attempt one final unification of the Sicils in 440. Though before putting his plan into action, he would die of an illness and Syracuse would subjugate all the remaining Sicil cities, except for Trients, which had become the holdout for the most diehard of the Sicils. Syracuse wouldn't ignore the center of the Sicil resistance this time around. They would now move to crush this last holdout and remove the Sicils as an independent threat for the future. A large army would march on their city and after a stubborn resistance, they would capture the city. The remaining Sicils would commit suicide rather than surrender, while the women and children would be sold into slavery.
Speaker 1:The next 13 years or so, which would bring us into the early years of the Peloponnesian War, are poorly documented, but what was clear is that Sicily, and Syracuse at its head, had reached a position of wealth and influence that had yet been experienced. Many, including Diodorus, would look back on this period as being the golden age of Syracuse and the Greeks on Sicily. However, with this growth and wealth, other powers would look to potential opportunities that could be had if they could gain some influence on the island. Athens would be one of these powers and earlier in the 450s they would join an alliance with the Sugesta on the western coast after a four-to-war with another western city over territorial disputes. It's unclear in the sources why Athens would form this alliance with the city, so far from Athenian interests, but if we look to Athens' expansionist behaviour during this period, it is possible that Athens had noticed the wealth of the island and the benefits of obtaining an alliance on the island as a future foothold to gaining influence within Sicily. For the reason for this decision to form an alliance within Sicily in the 450s it would have long-term consequences for Athens and their future activities in Sicily.
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